By Dean Lokerio
FCPA John Mbadi’s sentiments over the weekend on the circumstances leading to Kenya’s independence have sparked outrage across a cross-section of Kenya.
Yet, beneath the outrage lies a deeper discomfort, one that has been revised and often avoided in equal measure.
When placed within the broader African context, Kenya’s independence begins to look less like an isolated struggle and more like part of a continental inevitability.
History is always marked by revisionism. Major global events are constantly reinterpreted to fit evolving narratives or manufactured truths. Kenya’s independence is no exception.
Kenya gained independence in 1963, at a time when Africa was undergoing a massive wave of decolonisation. Between 1960 and 1965, over 28 African countries attained independence, with 1960 alone producing 17 new states, largely from French colonial rule.
In 1960(the year of Africa) alone, 17 countries gained independence, largely from France. These included Cameroon, Togo, Madagascar, Benin, Niger, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Chad, Central African Republic, Republic of the Congo, Gabon, Senegal, Mali, and Mauritania.
We also saw the Democratic Republic of Congo attain independence from Belgium, Somalia emerge from the merger of British and Italian territories, and Nigeria gain independence from Britain.
Between 1961 and 1965, a further 11 countries attained independence, including Sierra Leone and Tanganyika in 1961; Rwanda, Burundi, Algeria, and Uganda in 1962.
Kenya and Zanzibar (which later merged with Tanganyika to form Tanzania) gained independence in 1963.
Malawi and Zambia followed in 1964, while The Gambia attained independence in 1965.
This was not coincidental. It reflected a convergence of global and local forces.
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Chief among them was the weakening of European powers in the aftermath of World War II. Colonial powers, including Britain, France, and Belgium, were left economically strained and militarily exhausted, making it increasingly difficult to sustain overseas administration.
It can also be argued that African soldiers who fought in World War II returned home with a new perspective, having seen that European powers were not invincible. At the same time, educated African elites organised powerful political movements and trade unions, demanding self-determination.
We also cannot understate the pressure from the two superpowers of the time. The United States sought access to new markets while promoting the principle of self-determination.
The Soviet Union (modern-day Russia), on the other hand, supported anti-colonial movements to expand its influence and spread socialist ideology.
The 1960 UN General Assembly Resolution 1514, which explicitly called for a rapid end to colonialism and framed it as a violation of human rights, further accelerated the push for independence.
But perhaps most importantly, it was the “wind of change.” By the late 1940s, European leaders had begun to accept that independence was inevitable.
Ghana (formerly the Gold Coast) attained independence earlier, in 1957, ahead of the 1960-1965 wave, due to a unique combination of economic strength, relatively higher levels of education, and a highly organised nationalist movement.
Ghana had a larger educated elite and middle class than many other African colonies. This group helped bridge ethnic divides and provided the administrative and political framework necessary to negotiate directly with the British government.
They produced the professionals and political leadership required to manage the transition to a modern state. Crucially, they could engage the British using the same legal and political language, making the case for self-rule harder to dismiss.
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Closer home in East Africa, Tanganyika (1961) and Uganda (1962) gained independence slightly before Kenya (1963), largely due to Kenya’s status as a settler colony with a large, politically dominant European population that fiercely resisted African majority rule.
Kenya had a significant population of British settlers who owned vast tracts of fertile land-the “White Highlands.”
These settlers wielded strong political influence in London and resisted any move toward independence that threatened their land ownership or status. In contrast, Tanganyika and Uganda had very few permanent white settlers, making the transition to African rule less contentious for the British.
The question of whether the Mau Mau or the political efforts of Oginga Odinga and Tom Mboya played a bigger role remains a subject of ongoing historical and political debate in Kenya.
Most historians agree that the two were complementary. While the Mau Mau made colonial rule untenable, leaders like Odinga and Mboya made independence negotiable.
It should be remembered that the Mau Mau had largely been crushed by 1959 and, by 1960, was no longer a threat, with many of its fighters either killed or detained.
Nonetheless, the eight-year uprising demonstrated that a small minority of white settlers could not permanently dominate the African majority through force alone.
Tom Mboya leveraged his international standing and ties with the United States to demonstrate that Africans were prepared for modern governance. He was also a key negotiator at the Lancaster House Conferences that produced Kenya’s independence constitution.
On his part, Oginga Odinga refused to lead a government while Jomo Kenyatta remained in detention, famously declaring, “No Kenyatta, No Independence.”
This stance prevented the British from installing a compliant “puppet” leadership, similar to what was seen in other contexts, and forced them to engage with what was widely regarded as the legitimate nationalist movement.
Would Kenya have attained independence without Mau Mau?
Yes. It happened in Tanzania, Uganda, and Somalia. However, the timing and nature of that independence would likely have been very different.
Historians generally agree that without the armed uprising, Kenya might have faced a longer and more complex path, similar to South Africa or Rhodesia (Zimbabwe).
Ultimately, while the Mau Mau uprising intensified pressure on the colonial state, independence was secured through a combination of global, regional, and local forces.
The Mau Mau made colonial rule untenable. But it was leaders like Odinga and Mboya who made independence achievable by providing the political and institutional pathway for the British to exit.
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Dean Lokerio weighs in on the debate over who played the major role in Kenya’s fight for independence. PHOTO/ Dean Lokerio FB.